Closing the Loop: Territorial Approaches to Circular Textiles in Europe
The global textile industry is 0,3% circular: of the 3.25 billion tonnes of materials it consumes each year, over 99% come from virgin sources [1]. In part, this metric is bogged down by high virgin material consumption, with per capita fibre consumption rising significantly over the decades. The current scale of textile consumption is not only linked to numerous impacts from climate change to water eutrophication and water scarcity, but also social impacts, including labour rights violations, health hazards and threats to livelihoods.
The circular economy offers a mean to address these challenges, through various R-strategies such as Reduce, Reuse, Repair, Repurpose, and Recycle. The SOLSTICE project aims to address these key social, environmental and technical challenges posed by the textile industry through a circular economy lens.
SOLSTICE partners (Circle Economy, in collaboration with Circular Berlin, Grenoble-Alpes Métropole, the Comune di Prato, and Generalitat de Catalunya) conducted a current‐state analysis of the textile ecosystem in the territories of Berlin, Grenoble, Prato, and Catalonia, including prevailing circular practices.
The analysis offers a comprehensive overview across multiple dimensions, encompassing spatial planning, employment, material flows, and local infrastructure, to map the enabling conditions for circular textiles in each region.
Textile ecosystem analysis
Across Berlin, Grenoble, Prato and Catalonia, being close to the city centre means much better access to circular‐textile services. In Berlin, people living in central areas can walk to at least one service in about 7 minutes (or drive in just over 2 minutes), while those on the outskirts take much longer. In Catalonia, coastal areas around Barcelona have hundreds of service points within a 10-minute drive, but inland counties have fewer than a hundred. In Prato, the three central neighbourhoods have the most recycling, repairing, and second-hand shops; is interesting to note that the time difference by car with the peripheral areas of the city is not so large. In Grenoble, most residents can reach services quickly by car if they live near the city center. These differences become even clearer in these driving‐time maps, which show how quickly central areas are served compared to outlying districts.
The way people choose to travel affects how easily they can access different services. In Grenoble, walking maps show that reuse and repair Point of Interests (POIs) are grouped together in busy areas, while recycling points are spread out more evenly. This pattern becomes less noticeable when people drive.
In Prato, the walking map shows big differences, with only the central areas being easily accessible within 15 minutes on foot. However, a 10-minute drive can cover most of the province with services. In Catalonia, walking access is more evenly spread, but the coastal cities still have better coverage. In Berlin, walking also highlights bigger gaps in access compared to driving, showing how slower travel options make spatial inequalities more obvious.
“None of the four studies finds a link between income or other inequality measures and access coverage follows population centres, not wealth”
In general, more POIs lead to shorter travel times, as seen in Catalonia and Berlin, though they can also create crowded ‘hot spots’. In smaller areas like Grenoble and Prato, almost everyone can access services by car, but services still need to be spread out more to ensure fair access.
Material Flow Analysis
Berlin and Grenoble rely entirely on imported fibres and have small manufacturing sectors with 5.8 kilotonnes (kt) and 0.2 kt output respectively, both collecting under 22 kg of post-consumer textiles per person, of which roughly 45% is exported for recycling or reuse. Prato, by contrast, produces 25 kt of fibres and 113 kt of finished goods, exporting 66% of both, and imports nearly 49 kt of used textiles. Over 60% of its separate collection goes abroad for reuse, while just 30% is recycled. On the other hand, Catalonia collects 154.9 kt, but still sends over 90% of mixed-waste textiles to landfill or incineration, with only 21% of its sorted textiles reused locally.
Across all four regions, the percentage of repair and local reuse hover in the low single digits, signalling a clear opportunity to strengthen community-level circular services.
Employment baseline
In this analysis, Catalonia employs around 90,800 people across the whole value chain. Prato follows with 46,400 employees, while Berlin accounts for 20,900 textile employees and Grenoble Métropole for just 1,320.
Comparing the textile workforce with the habitants of each of the areas analysed we can notice that in the city of Prato almost the 25% of the population works in the textile value chain. The structure of employment varies significantly between regions.
In Berlin and Grenoble, most jobs are concentrated in retail, distribution, and repair, reflecting service-oriented economies with limited local production. Prato stands out for its strong manufacturing base, with the majority of its textile workforce involved in fibre and textile production. Catalonia shows a more balanced profile, with substantial employment spread across manufacturing, retail, and end-of-life activities such as reuse and recycling.
The visuals highlight an overview of employment in the textile sector across the supply chain in each area.
Despite differences, all four regions share a common feature: repair and other circular economy roles remain limited, representing only a small share of total employment. However, these areas present opportunities for future development in response to growing sustainability goals.
Consumer behaviour
People in Berlin, Grenoble, Prato, and Catalonia all show some interest in circular textiles, but their habits and attitudes differ depending on age, income, and local culture, among other demographic features. In all four places, price is the biggest factor influencing what people buy. Most consumers value affordable clothing, with price being more important to some demographics such as students and low-income families. Even though many say sustainability is important, it usually comes after cost, quality, and convenience when making choices.
Second-hand shopping is common but still faces challenges. Many people worry about hygiene, finding the right size, or the time it takes to search for good items. In Prato and Catalonia, there is also a strong stigma, especially when it comes to buying used clothes. Even in places like Berlin and Grenoble, second-hand clothes are not always seen as appealing or easy to access.
Repairing clothes is also not very popular. It’s often seen as expensive or too much effort, and repair services are not always easy to find. Still, people like the idea of community events such as repair cafes or workshops, which could make fixing clothes more social and accessible.
Young people in Berlin, Prato, and Catalonia tend to be more strongly influenced by external motivators such as social media and peer pressure. They are more likely to buy more and follow trends and are therefore less likely to choose circular options. Older consumers, especially in Grenoble and Catalonia, are more focused on quality and comfort and are more open to buying long-lasting items especially if these are linked to trusted brands or a sense of exclusivity.
Most people know about donating clothes or shopping second-hand, but fewer are aware of other circular options like renting, swapping, or upcycling.
To get more people involved in circular fashion, several ideas were shared: add second-hand sections to regular shopping malls, create community spaces for repair and education, and run fun events like circular fashion festivals. Campaigns to improve the image of second-hand clothing and show its value could also help change people’s minds and habits.
Conclusions
The SOLSTICE analysis of Berlin, Grenoble, Prato, and Catalonia reveals both challenges and opportunities in textile circularity. Circular services are concentrated in urban centers, following population density rather than wealth patterns. Each territory shows distinct characteristics: Berlin and Grenoble primarily import with little manufacturing; Prato serves as a production and recycling hub; and Catalonia handles large volumes but with significant waste. Across all areas, repair and reuse remain underdeveloped, representing untapped potential.
Employment structures mirror these differences, with very few people working in repair or other circular services. When buying clothes, most people care about price first, though more are becoming interested in sustainability. To make textile use more circular, we need to address people's concerns about second-hand shopping and make repair services easier to use. Different approaches for younger and older consumers, plus community events and better awareness, could help create a future where textiles are used in smarter, more sustainable ways.
To learn more about the analysis of each territory you can have a look on these reports:
